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c/o The European Institute 1001 Connecticut Avenue
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Washington, DC
20036-5531
Tel: (202) 895-1670
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info@europeanaffairs.org
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Biodefense is one of the most important topics on today’s counter-terrorism
agenda, and is certainly among the top priorities of the U.S. national
security apparatus. Yet there has been
far too little international dialogue on the subject, let alone
substantive cooperation.
The United States is making enormous efforts in the areas of bioterror
prevention, detection, and response. Since the terrorist attacks of
9/11, the United States has spent over $20 billion on biodefense of
one kind or another, primarily on fundamental
research and development and the procurement of medical counter measures
and surveillance and response systems, including a very large stockpile.
Two major pieces of legislation have been enacted the Bioterrorism
Law of 2002 and the Bioshield Law of 2004 and the National
Institutes of Health (NIH) is
conducting a substantial scientific research and development program.
The United States has deployed
atmospheric sensors for biohazards and biopathogens in several dozen
cities. We have made a vital change in the rules for approving the
efficacy of drugs so that animal studies can now be used to determine
the efficacy of possible countermeasures. We have accumulated a huge
stockpile of medical countermeasures, both drugs and other medical
apparatus, that are on pallets ready to be deployed anywhere in the
world at very short notice. We have enough smallpox vaccine to vaccinate
the entire U.S. population, plus a small extra amount to help out
with international crises. We have a very large bio-surveillance
initiative
which seeks to integrate the many different
sensors now deployed.
We have engaged in an extraordinary bioforensic effort that has focused
on the anthrax attacks of October 2001 and has significantly advanced
the boundaries of science and bioforensics in dealing with the anthrax
microbe. Huge grants for biodefense are being given to state and
local public health agencies. Major exercises have been
carried out, both at meetings of experts and in the field. Some of
these exercises have involved the President, and many have involved
cabinet secretaries, in order to create a realistic simulation of
a bioterror attack and push the U.S.
response system and vaccination efforts to the point of failure.
We have changed the criminal code to incorporate new bioterrorism
offenses, making sure that all our actions are legal, and we have
revised
the regulations governing the Select Agent
Program, administered by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention,
that monitors the possession of biological agents and toxins that
could pose a
severe threat to public health and safety.
This involves an intensity and scale of activity that are unique in
the world. U.S. experts still criticize our activities as insufficient
or wrongly focused. But there is huge asymmetry between U.S. efforts
and those of the rest of the world that is already quite problematic,
and will become acutely problematic in the event of an actual bioterror
attack. I shall give just one example.
When I was at the White House, we considered an imaginary scenario
involving contagious bioterror agents, such as smallpox, that started
in another country, say, Turkey. Provided the threat is detected
early
enough, the right thing to do from a public health point of view
is to ring vaccinate the source of contagion very quickly so as to
try
to contain the outbreak. The only country in the world that has a
stockpile large enough to perform such a ring vaccination is the
United States.
But the stockpile is a finite resource.
“A U.S. President
could face one of
the hardest
decisions ever”
So the United States would immediately be faced by one of the hardest
decisions a President would ever have to make: whether to use the
stockpile
to ring vaccinate in Turkey or to vaccinate the entire U.S. population.
The scenario did not provide the answer to this dilemma. But I have
no doubt that any President would choose to vaccinate the U.S. population,
leaving Turkey, Europe and others affected on their own until they
could produce the vaccine fast enough. This is a highly unfortunate
but realistic prospect. It brings home the need for dialogue and
real cooperation on bioterrorism, both across the Atlantic and around
the
world.
Richard A. Falkenrath is a Senior Fellow in the Foreign Policy Studies
Program at the Brookings Institution. He was previously Deputy Homeland
Security Advisor and Deputy Assistant to the President. Before that,
he was acting Deputy Homeland Security Advisor and Special Assistant
to the President and Senior Director for Policy and Plans within
the Office of Homeland Security, starting in 2001.
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